5 of the most fascinating revelations from ‘The Making of The Comrade’

A few weeks ago, a dear family friend and I were talking about the state of governance in our blessed land, and in conversation he provided me with a copy of the book “The Making of the Comrade”, a self-described autobiographical sketch by Prime Minister Ralph Gonsalves. He challenged me to read the book in two weeks and come back to him with some reflections.

Thirteen days after starting the book, I finished it. As I read, I found myself running the gamut of emotions from shocked to sceptical to inspired. While I approached the narrative with a critical eye, the portrait of “the Comrade” can emerge as a compelling one. However, the deeper insights came not just from the story of a man but from reading between the lines and analysing our current trajectory in light of the past.

This perspective offers a clearer understanding of our leader and the rationale behind key decisions shaping our nation’s path today. In this initial review, I’ve taken 18 full pages of notes and selected five critical observations that I hope give you a similar insight into the man we call “The Comrade”.

1. The political maverick

In “The Making of the Comrade”, The Comrade emerges as a multi-faceted figure whose political acumen predates his formal entry into governance. From the early stages of his career, he demonstrated an ability to navigate and manipulate political dynamics with precision. At one point in the book, he reflects on the New Democratic Party (NDP) leadership, remarking, “I smiled at their political innocence, their lack of political realism” (p. 127).

This comment highlights his self-perception as a seasoned strategist — someone who, even without holding office, viewed himself as more politically adept than his opponents despite their longer tenure in politics. This personality reflects a highly manipulative person, willing to shape the atmosphere around him for his own political survival and longevity with an adept capability of pulling it off discreetly. The quote “Beware of an old man in a profession where men usually die young” (die politically, that is) comes to mind.

While this confidence—or superiority — has served him well over the past 25 years, enabling him to identify and adapt to shifting political currents locally and internationally, it has not been without consequences. His mastery of negotiation and strategic alliances has undoubtedly secured benefits for his party and certain domestic programmes, but has often left the Vincentian public to bear the brunt of any negative fallout.

Gonsalves positions himself not just as a national leader but also as an international figure, grappling with the burden of leading a small nation while intensely engaging with global and regional powers. He notes, “In small countries like ours, leaders are constantly occupying international, regional, national, and local roles” (p. 370). Despite his unassuming physical presence — which might lead an international audience to underestimate him — he possesses a sharp intellect and charming personality that has enabled him to attract significant international funding and partnerships, bolstering domestic programs. He is Saint Vincent’s foreign service. His drive to ascend to social and political power is deeply ingrained from childhood, rooted in a belief that he was destined for greater influence — a theme subtly recurring throughout the book, coming to a near climax in chapter four with the phrase “we were on the verge of political power”.

This aspirational leader also exhibits a penchant for micromanagement. In the early days of his tenure as prime minister, he kept a “diary of ministers and public servants” to monitor their tasks and deadlines — a practice emblematic of his hands-on leadership style. Even today, he frequently takes on multiple roles within his administration, often assuming strategic positions to advance his agenda. Recently, he stepped in as acting foreign minister to meet with the Taiwanese foreign minister while continuing to hold the portfolios of National Security and Information — two of the nation’s most pivotal agencies.

This centralisation of authority is further demonstrated in his use of personal terms like “my government” or “my leadership” when discussing the United Labour Party (ULP) and government initiatives. During his tenure, he’s received challenges from those within his own party who look to contribute their own initiatives. In this regard, he comments “Interest groups or pressure groups ought never to consider themselves the arbiters of public policy in a democracy”, relegating them to quiet supporters rather than vocal participants.” (p.353)

Gonsalves’ story is one of ambition and unparalleled political skill, but it also raises questions about the long-term impact of his leadership style on St. Vincent and the Grenadines. While his strategic manoeuvring has yielded results, the balance between personal ambition and public interest remains a critical point of reflection.

2. Doctor in the philosophy of the oppressed

Prime Minister Ralph Gonsalves is a deeply intellectual figure whose academic journey began with a remarkable tenacity for education in primary school and extended to earning a PhD in government. From his days at St. Vincent Grammar School to his higher education pursuits, Gonsalves has consistently demonstrated a profound respect for knowledge and its potential to shape societies and generations.

His political philosophy has often been a subject of debate. Critics frequently accuse him of aligning with ideologies such as communism or Marxism, citing his close ties to the governments of Cuba and Venezuela, as well as his personal relationships with the late Fidel Castro and Hugo Chavez. However, Gonsalves rejects rigid “dogmatism” — the belief in an ideal absolutely without the possibility of change — favouring flexibility as a necessary trait in the ever-evolving landscape of politics. In his writings, Gonsalves leans toward democratic socialism, particularly within the context of St. Vincent and the Grenadines. He even describes socialism as “Christianity in action” (p. 45), framing it as a moral approach to governance. 

While he acknowledges Marxism’s influence on his thinking — an ideology prevalent among his professors at the University of the West Indies (UWI) — he views it more as a “theoretical formula” than a “political programme” (p. 47). He remarks, “Marxism was a useful tool of social and economic analysis, it could not be reduced to a formalistic or rote doctrine.” These varied influences have undeniably shaped his unique style of governance, blending philosophical elements into a model tailored for the nation he wishes to create.

During his early academic career, Gonsalves not only studied oppression but also immersed himself in environments where it was palpable. His PhD research took him to Uganda, where he witnessed systemic discrimination and experienced personal disrespect from law enforcement. These experiences, combined with interactions with “the working people” — Caribbean fishermen and farmers—gave him a nuanced understanding of marginalised communities.

In his studies and living, Gonsalves came to a deep understanding of what “oppressed persons” believe, what drives them, and how to effectively communicate to them. In a country that just eight years ago had a poverty percentage of 30% and an indigent population of 3%, it’s easy to see how understanding this label of people can be politically beneficial. What he has so brilliantly realised is that oppression, as much as it is material, is moreso a state of mind; and if he can continue to convince people that they are oppressed, even by the government (that he’s been in charge of for the past quarter century), he can offer them a solution — himself as a powerful voice of hope and leadership. In his autobiography, Gonsalves refers to the popular sentiment that “Vincentians only remember their last meal.” Keeping this in mind, the administration is able to provide just enough to keep the populace content while spending the bulk of resources on self-supporting ventures. “I go to them and they come to me” (p.371)

Gonsalves’ skill as a storyteller is central to his political appeal. Each Wednesday morning, he captivates the nation on NBC Radio with relatable anecdotes and commentary, even using terms like “yo’vers” to connect with listeners. His speeches frequently draw on religious themes, quotes, and parables that deeply resonate with the Vincentian audience. His approach bridges denominations and faiths, uniting Catholics, Methodists, Pentecostals, Spiritual Baptists, Anglicans, and nonreligious alike.

By weaving intellectualism, lived experience, and emotional resonance into his leadership, Dr. Gonsalves has cultivated a style that is as pragmatic as it is persuasive. Whether one admires or critiques his approach, it is clear that his leadership is both intentional and deeply informed by his understanding of people and power.

3. The team player

Gonsalves is both a self-reliant leader and strategist who understands the importance of having a highly efficient and collaborative team. His leadership is defined by a blend of personal oversight and strategic delegation. This strategic network allows him to exert control over political and geographic hotspots while projecting the image of a collaborative and inclusive administration. Being part of “Team Ralph” is more than a role; it’s an invitation into a network of influence and opportunity within St. Vincent and the Grenadines. Team members often rise to positions of prominence, whether in senior public service, as government ministers, or parliamentarians, or even within the private sector. By examining the traits of those who make up this elite circle, we can glean insights into the strengths and weaknesses of SVG’s governance and society.

To be invited into Gonsalves’ inner circle, an individual must have:

• Unwavering loyalty: Absolute dedication to the Comrade’s leadership and vision.
• Commitment to his vision: Full alignment with the goals and direction he sets forth.
• High intelligence and adaptability: Members must possess emotional, political, and educational intelligence, with a willingness to continually update and refine their skills.
• Action-oriented professionalism: A readiness to execute directives with precision and the highest standards of professionalism.

Of his secretary, he remarks, she “exuded grace, competence, and a winning disposition” (p.156), qualities he clearly values in his closest associates.

A hallmark of Gonsalves’ leadership is his ability to connect his own achievements to the accomplishments of those around him. Throughout his career, he has aligned himself with influential figures and movements, such as the Grenadian Revolution. Gonsalves supported the revolutionary faction and celebrated their initial success, later pledging to honour the legacy of Maurice Bishop, Grenada’s former prime minister, following his death. He remarked that he and Bishop shared a common “heart”. By aligning himself with the victories of others — whether or not he directly orchestrated them — Gonsalves bolsters his image as a leader with global influence and connectivity. This perception not only reinforces his credibility but also strengthens the narrative of SVG as a nation achieving success on multiple fronts.

4. The reason the opposition in SVG continues to fail

In “The Making of the Comrade”, Gonsalves offers sharp critiques of the opposition parties he has faced throughout his political career No opposition party, though, has been more berated throughout the book than the NDP — from the early leadership of James Mitchell to Arnham Eustace’s term as prime minister and then opposition leader. However, beyond the criticisms lies a deeper purpose: his analysis serves as a reflection on the pitfalls of leadership and governance — a guide for today’s opposition, a warning for future challengers, and a reminder to his own administration of the dangers of complacency.

“The government appeared bent on committing political suicide on the altar of greed” (p.125)

Greed, in this context, is the overwhelming and selfish desire for wealth or power. When it becomes an altar, something worshipped and exalted above the common good, it becomes unintentionally the metaphorical and even physical death of the people chasing it. They are killed by their own desire. Gonsalves contrasts this with his personal values later in the book, stating, “I have never craved wealth or material things. I would be quite satisfied to own nothing when I die.” (p.395) The implication is clear: governance must prioritise service over self-interest to avoid self-destruction.

Political opportunism had been his undoing” (ref. To E.T. Joshua on p.91)

Opportunism, as Gonsalves describes it, is the reckless pursuit of opportunities without regard for principles or foresight. Effective leadership, he argues, demands thoughtful judgment and adherence to a moral compass — a stark contrast to decisions driven solely by short-term gain.

“I was doubtful that a mass political party without a strong leadership and clear ideological direction could affect real, meaningful change for working people and the marginalised poor.” (p.50)

For any party to gain and sustain public trust, it must have a compelling vision, a well-defined structure, and leaders who can inspire across all classes of society, something that the NDP clearly lacked at the time. The goal though is meaningful change.

Reflecting on the downfall of the United People’s Movement (UPM), Gonsalves attributes their failure to political immaturity, the inappropriate application of socialist principles, and a lack of realistic assessments of SVG’s socio-economic and political landscape. These missteps, he argues, rendered the UPM ineffective in addressing the needs of the people. Similarly,  James Mitchell’s NDP was highly disorganised, had weak support on the mainland, a lack of credible candidates, and uninspiring leadership, all of which Gonsalves suggests made the party unable to resonate with voters or deliver effective governance.

While Gonsalves’ critiques are aimed primarily at his opponents, they carry a universal message: successful governance requires selflessness, foresight, and a commitment to uplifting all members of society. These reflections also serve as a subtle warning to his own administration — an acknowledgement that the same missteps he critiques in others could, if unchecked, lead to similar consequences for his government.

5. The state of national security in St. Vincent

Last weekend, St. Vincent witnessed the murders of three different individuals in three different parts of the country within the span of three days. These incidents underscore the ongoing shift in the national security landscape in SVG. While our police officers are undoubtedly well-intentioned, they remain under-resourced and ill-equipped to adequately mitigate, manage and respond to the escalating crime.

On page 302, he describes dilapidated police stations, a shortage of vehicles, low pay, poor working conditions, inadequate training, low morale, promotions based on favouritism, and a force struggling with public perception. That was in 2001, when his administration stepped in, 23 years later, this description, by and large, remains the same with some improvements — such as the construction of newer buildings and a slightly more educated force. This stagnation is particularly concerning, given that Prime Minister Gonsalves also serves as the minister of national security. The lack of significant progress in equipping and modernising the police force raises questions about the prioritisation of national security within the government’s agenda.

In chapter 4, Gonsalves recounts a personal and chilling experience during a protest where a member of the Special Services Unit (SSU) allegedly pointed an assault weapon in his face. Such a harrowing encounter should have sparked a comprehensive transformation in police training and operations. Yet, the calls for a “training revolution” — one that could elevate high-tempo units and improve facilities like the Old Montrose Training School — have gone unanswered.

Modern policing requires a proactive approach, focusing not only on infrastructure but also on consistent, high-quality training that empowers officers to act decisively and fairly. This includes specialized training for elite units, better equipment, and access to mental health support for officers managing high-pressure situations. As citizens, we must ask: Why has there not been a greater push for comprehensive police reform? What barriers exist to equipping our law enforcement officers with the tools they need to protect and serve effectively?

These are questions that deserve answers — not just for the safety of our nation but also for the morale and integrity of those tasked with upholding law and order. It’s time to move beyond intentions and focus on impactful action.
More to follow…

Daniel Burgin (527-0189)